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Article Summary of "Education, Democratic Citizenship, and
Multiculturalism" by Michael Walzer
Citation: Michael Walzer, "Education, Democratic Citizenship, and Multiculturalism," in The Handbook of Interethnic Coexistence, ed. Eugene Weiner, (New York: Continuum Publishing, 1998), pp. 153-161.
This Article Summary written by: Conflict Research Consortium Staff
Walzer offers an account of education geared toward
supporting democratic citizenship in a multicultural context, drawing upon
lessons learned from the Israeli case. He begins by describing three historical
approaches to maintaining multicultural societies. The first approach is
typified by the millet system of the Ottoman empire, which followed a "divide
and rule" strategy. Under this system groups were allowed to retain considerable
autonomy over their communities, while submitting to a broader imperial rule.
Group autonomy extended to matters of family life, inheritance, and often
education. This system requires every individual to affiliate themselves with
some group.
Nations-states represent second approach. Nation-states
arose as groups began to assert their right to their own territory, and to rule
themselves according to their own customs and history. Nation-states have arisen
by consolidation over time, by colonial revolt, and by partition of existing
states. Nation-states seek to preserve the culture of a majority group. They
usually have no particular commitment to supporting minority cultures.
Immigrant societies are those in which there is no one
dominant group. This may occur over time in nation-states, as the arrival of new
groups displaces the old majority group. In such societies "the state is forced
into a kind of neutrality, which is first expressed in religious toleration and
secularism and then in a slow disengagement from the national history and
cultural style of the first immigrants."(p. 154) Groups are left to sustain
their cultures on their own.
Educational arrangements differ in each of these approaches.
Under the millet system education is generally decentralized. The local
curriculum is usually largely under the control of the local group, and
conducted in the local language. Nation-states generally have a centralized
curriculum which teaches the dominant national culture and history , in the
national language. Immigrant societies also have a centralized curriculum, which
either ignores the various cultures or attempts to expose students to all
cultures equally.
Israel has elements of each of these approaches to
maintaining a multicultural state. It has been a territory of the Otttoman and
British empires, and grants its various religious communities limited autonomy
in their courts and education. Modern Israel was formed to create a Jewish
nation-state, reflecting the culture of the dominant group. Walzer notes that
"members of the minority are citizens of the state, but they do not find their
culture or history mirrored in its public life."(p. 155) Israel is also an
immigrant society. Although its immigrants generally share a religion, they come
from many different cultures, histories, races and languages. They may have even
have rather different religious attitudes and practices.
The only thing that that these people do all have in common
is their citizenship. "They vote in the same elections; they obey the same laws
(except for family law); they pay the same taxes; they participate in the same
arguments about what the state should and should not do."(p. 156) Maintaining a
strong sense of democratic citizenship is crucial to maintaining a multicultural
state. Walzer argues that civil differences are and must be bridged in the
democratic political arena; in a culturally diverse democratic state political
action requires support from a coalition of groups. Strengthening the democratic
political arena requires that the people "learn to think of one another as
fellow citizens and to accord to one another the rights that democratic
citizenship entail."(p. 156) This learning is best begun in childhood.
Walzer offers two reasons for why there must be a common
civic curriculum in schools. First, very nation must takes steps to insure its
own the survival and internal security . Second, a strong commitment to
democratic citizenship in a diverse society produce a strong commitment to the
politics of difference, which in turn encourages people to seek a sympathetic
understanding of different groups.
A civic curriculum for democratic citizenship should include
three elements. First it must offer education in the history of democratic
institutions and practices. It should also foster critical engagement with the
democratic and non-democratic tendencies in the particular group's history.
Second, it must teach the philosophy, or political theory, of democracy.
Students should explore the various types of democracy, alternatives to
democracy, and the various arguments for and against each. Third, classes should
cover the practical political science , explaining how the government works, and
what the citizens' roles are. Students should learn how to form and debate
political ideas with their peers. The curriculum overall must inculcate a
"democratic consciousness," which is open to new ideas, critical and
questioning.
Walzer considers the objection that this sort of education
imposes a new democratic culture on students, and so requires some traditional
cultures to change or assimilate. He notes that democracy as practiced at a
particular place and time may reflect the culture of some dominant group. But
democratic states are always open to a "friendly take-over" by some other
cultural group, by shared democratic processes. The values associated with
democracy itself may require some cultural changes, although many traditional
authority structures can be m within the democratic political process.
Democracy is a politics of strain. It is a "culture of
criticism and disagreement ,"(p. 158) When the strain of democracy is too great
people may abandon it, retreating to the comfort of their cultural group and
leaving the politics of coexistence to elites, charismatic or authoritarian
leaders. Walzer concludes "that is why education is so important--school
learning (also practical experience) aimed at producing the patience, stamina,
tolerance, and receptiveness without which the strain will not be understood or
accepted."(p. 160)
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